Ideologies for exclusion

Whenever I hear voices defending the census on the grounds that it is a common and perfectly normal, even regular, phenomenon in the country, I am constantly having to explain that this one is not only not a regular census, but not even a census in the first place. It is quite clear that the object of interest this time is real estate, the only thing the apparatus is interested in. The very fact that the property itself is receiving any notice is nonsense and precludes any kind of serious consideration. This subtlety, the absence of any formal address, was not accidental, nor was the threatening behaviour of the state apparatus, which added to the general tension that had already arisen in this connection. The threat is to be followed by three attempts by enumerators to track down people who have failed to complete the online questionnaire.

Incidentally, since the „face-to-face” phase of the census is now in full swing, and enumerators are expected to visit those who have failed to complete the online questionnaire by November 20th, the police have drawn the attention of the public to an interesting fact. It is well known that there are problems with the collection of more data. It is not clear, for example, why it is necessary to provide information on the workplace, since, among other things, there is no statistical justification for this – in fact, there is least, which is why I have highlighted several of the questions. Incidentally, according to the police call, people are not obliged to let the enumerator into their property during the census period. They are sending us a committee to carry out census-taking tasks, which are floor-sweeping and harassing in all sorts of ways and in all sorts of ways, but mostly they are still doing census-taking tasks, because they want to do the right thing, they want to provide an accurate picture of the exact composition and nature of Hungarian society.

The same kind and mostly the same blood that once swept attics and drove people out of their properties in the name of a blossoming and untested ideal. Communism was about to be tried out in our little country, too, and a lot of property was confiscated in the name of and in the spirit of this world-changing ideal, and the institution of private property was, if not abolished, then changed and interpreted differently. And they have created a complete legal basis for all this – even if they themselves did not feel a complete legal basis for all this – and have made the vast majority of society believe that all this is necessary. It is another question how long society believed in them, since the period of total disillusionment arrived shortly after the debut of this system, and then fifty-six.

I personally know a man – a good friend of mine, in fact – whose family once walked as many did at that time. A descendant of nobility, this friend’s ancestors were noblemen, with titles, titles and castles to match. The man in question is a descendant of the Koháry family. He himself can prove it, and he and his family take this so seriously that one of his sisters has taken the name Koháry. Whenever this dear friend of mine mentions the unfortunate fateful decision, he is always overwhelmed with bitter venom and a sense of gross injustice. No wonder, I would feel the same in his shoes. And why don’t they give back what they took? The question is so legitimate that it could not be more so. Or what is the attitude of the apparatus to the question? Was it a long time ago, in the mists of a fairy-tale, fictional past, and was it not true? Was it true, was it not true, was it a fairy tale out of the sky?

Of course, I am also aware that back in the nineties, on the initiative of József Torgyán, more or less of the property taken away was returned to descendants of this or that citizen. I have no knowledge of the basis on which only such and such a citizen was compensated, and why only so much and so little was returned to him, instead of compensating all the victims to the appropriate extent. Could it have been a political ploy, a gesture to the people who had suffered, to show them how generous we are, and that this is more than nothing, so now settle for this? Because the fact is that all those confiscated castles and other various movable and immovable property have not been returned to the hands of the victims. And if we look at the matter in the present Hungarian context, we have to say that the Fidesz government, which has declared in public that it deeply condemns the former socialist regime and its misdeeds, should be at the forefront of the compensation. In comparison, they do not do justice on a crow’s eye basis when it comes to the poor. After all, it always turns out that the same terrorist organisation is just changing ideologies.

If my friend in question were to stand with a hellfire and machine gun in front of the Koháry castle, which has been left to natural decay, and attempt to move in and claim it for himself, he would be doing so with full legal authority. In fact, the state terrorists have taken the castle from its ancestors in the same way, with the official and legalistic surroundings that they are sometimes accustomed to. I wonder, if he were to sue, what would be the grounds for his claim to be unjustified? Was it a long time ago? Would they shame you for wanting to revert to prehistoric feudal methods and to nullify the blessed egalitarian communism, thereby antagonising others? If I were him, I would sue and make a public scandal in court. But he needs to hurry, lest global communism and wealth confiscation kick in before he achieves anything. Because this time they are up to exactly the same thing as before: communisation. This time with a few new ideologies thrown in for good measure, like global climate change.



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